We are seeing the specter of
instability in the growing protests of income inequality, economic
distress of the middle class, and economic and political power of the very wealthy. There is Occupy Wall Street in the
U.S., and similar protests ranging across the globe. In parts of
Europe there is rioting in the streets, in parts of China
protests have turned deadly.
A microcosm for these
protests can be seen in Israel, which is among the first of the countries to
stage such protests. In a one of my recent posts, "Workers of the World, Goodnight!", I recount my experience in
the egalitarian Israel of the early 1980s, and contrast that with the Israel of
today, where a handful of families basically
have a controlling interest in the economy proper, and where the concentration of wealth at the top makes the U.S. look like a
commune. This transformation over the past few decades tells us something about the roots of social unrest that have
spread recently from Occupy Wall Street to other countries. The Israeli society that I
saw three decades ago was one that faced the unrelenting specter of war. During times of crisis, of war or
natural disaster where there is a randomness to existence that
extends beyond wealth to issues of life and death, people choose to
be more egalitarian. People know they
might end up with the short end of the stick with the next roll of
the dice, and that whatever they acquire will likely be transitory.
So they first and foremost focus on keeping a social system and its
support structure in place.
Unerring stability leads to the
opposite course. For example, in the medieval societies where
position remained unchanged for decades, even centuries, where land,
the key source of wealth, passed inexorably from one generation to
the next, where class distinctions dictated the path of your life and
that of your children, an egalitarian notion was not even in the
realm of consideration. There were the rich and there were the poor.
It was as simple as that.
Absent a policy of income
redistribution, capitalism plus stability leads to income
disparities. Take stability out of the equation, and the
distribution will narrow. Israel is more stable thanks to the efforts
of the broad base of society, most notably through their military
commitment And so Israeli society as a whole maintains the
environment that allows the remarkable income disparity to occur.
Because of this, Israeli society as a whole questions the social
structure that gives rise to this disparity. They have a hand in
creating that stable society, and could theoretically choose instead
to move more toward one of instability. In the extreme case, doing so
might be their best course.
A Reworking of Rawls'
Theory of Justice
In The Theory of Justice,
Rawls performs the thought experiment of developing a political
system where those determining this system are operating under what
he calls the veil of ignorance. The veil of ignorance prevents the
contractors – those who are going to enter into the political
contract that they have a hand in developing – from knowing their
place in the resulting society. They do not know their assets, their
endowments of intelligence and strength, even many of their
preferences and values. They do not know their place in society, they
do not even know the civilization and culture that has been achieved.
The veil of ignorance is an important
vehicle for the development of his political theory. The exercise is
trivial without it. If one's endowment is known at the time political
system is being crafted, then obviously the endowed will push toward
a winner-takes-all system while those on the other extreme will push
for an aggressive redistribution of wealth.
The epistemological constraint imposed
by the veil of ignorance creates the circumstances for the
contractors to act in accordance with Rawls' fair principles, which
include: The contractors cannot choose to advantage just themselves
(since they do not know where they will fall in society); they cannot
choose to risk massively disadvantaging others (because these others
will defect); and they cannot risk massively disadvantaging
themselves (because they must consider their descendants and their
own capacity to stay true to the principles they choose). Thus, even
if the contractors do not affirmatively seek fairness, their
circumstances lead what they choose to end up being fair.
From their perch in the original
position behind the veil of ignorance, Rawls' contractors seek to
temper the worst possible outcomes. We might think of this as the
contractors choosing a basic structure for society in which there
position will be randomly assigned, or even where there is a chance
that their enemy will assign them their place. Rawls offers several
reasons why this is the natural result. First, the parties cannot
rationally take risks because the veil of ignorance makes
probabilistic calculations impossible. Second, the contractors are
choosing the political system not only for themselves, but for their
progeny, and with such high stakes, they will want to guard against
throwing their progeny into a purgatory. And third, although the
contractors do not know their preferences or what they will consider
good and desirable, they do know that there will be some notion of
the “good and desirable” that will motivate them, so they seek to
secure circumstances that will allow them to pursue this.
We can take Rawls' construction to
explore the implications of instability in a capitalist society.
Suppose that the contractors are told that whatever system they put
forward will be beset by occasional exogenous shocks that destroy
wealth. The social and political system may continue through these
shocks, but there is nothing they can do to affect the occurrence of
the shocks or their result.
Take the two extremes of possible
shocks: complete stability versus unrelenting instability. In the
first case one's position and wealth are secure. Once you have it,
you can't lose it. And if you don't have it, you can't get it. In the
other extreme, society is essentially beset with economic revolution,
and fortunes are made and lost.
Now back up and suppose that the
contractors placed in the Rawlsian veil of ignorance know a little
bit more than he allows, in particular, that they know what their
initial state will be in terms of position and wealth when the
political system is first set, and they also know the degree of
instability that will surround that system. What happens when we add
this additional knowledge to Rawls' original position?
The greater the instability, the less
value there will be in their knowledge of their initial state. In the
limit, the additional information of one's initial state means
nothing, because everything will become randomized in short order.
So we are pretty much back to Rawls' assumption of a veil of
ignorance in terms of each person's initial state. Things do not
exactly reduce to Rawls' argument, however, because we have an
additional piece of information, namely that no matter what system we
put in place, it cannot prevent the frequent and arbitrary change in
each person's conditions. In this situation, there will be a move
toward an egalitarian solution; those who know they will be at the
top when the game begins will join those on the bottom rung to vote
for an egalitarian system.
Indeed, on an inter-temporal basis an
egalitarian system is inevitable in the roll-of-the-dice extreme, in
the sense that over the many rolls of the dice sometimes one person
will be on the top, sometimes another, and everyone will face the
same distribution of wealth. If people are not myopic, that is, if
they look at the results of this extreme as it plays out over a long
period of time, they will find that the greater the instability –
the more frequently the dice are tossed – the lower the dispersion
of wealth will be. Indeed, for all practical purposes there will be
no private property, because period by period the property will be
sold off based on the reshuffling of fortunes. It is “here today,
gone tomorrow”.
On the other hand, if there is no
instability, and people know their initial states, if everything is
set in stone and one's initial state will persist forever, then
obviously the rich will vote for a system where the winners keep
everything they get, while the losers in the lottery will vote, as
they will always, for sharing the wealth.
(Note: We don't need a literal lottery;
we can have hard work and talent take a part in getting people where
they are, and that each time the world essentially starts over hard
work and talent play a part in how wealth gets redistributed. But we
need to recognize that luck also plays a role, and so we can still
invoke the image of a lottery or a roll of the dice. And, as Rawls
asserts, inborn talent comes from the luck of the draw. The joke that
someone's best career move was in choosing their parents applies to
more than inherited wealth).
Instability and Egalitarianism
This might help provide a context for
some of the current debate on wealth, income distribution, and taxes,
and the related protests arising throughout the world. Instability
helps overcome one of Rawls concerns, and a concern, not always well
articulated, that must be in the minds of the protesters and others
among the “99 percent”: That the political system, though just,
can gradually move toward a result that, ex post, is at variance with
the principles that society initially agreed upon.
Rawls concedes that even if everyone
acquires their property justly in accordance with the political
system and all distributions are done freely in accordance with the
agreed concept of justice, it is still possible that over time
disparities in wealth may occur that undermine the values from
overarching first principle. He states:
Even though the
initial state may have been just, and subsequent social conditions
may also have been just for some time, the accumulated results of
many separate and seemingly fair agreements entered into by
individuals and associations are likely over an extended period to
undermine the background conditions required for free and fair
agreements. Very considerable wealth and property may accumulate in a
few hands, and these concentrations are likely to undermine fair
equality of opportunity, the fair value of political liberties, and
so on.
This gives rise to a possible social
contract. Faced with a knowledge of their current state, the people
can design a political system that is unstable, thus giving them at
shot at the lottery in the future. Or they can move toward one that
maintains stability, and in doing so establish the rich more
securely. For the people to choose the latter route and participate
in a government that entrenches the rich, they will demand an
egalitarian structure similar to what they would under the Rawlsian
veil of ignorance.
Conclusion
We cannot separate the
issues of income distribution from the social system. As a starting
point, a wide income distribution requires a developed society. This
is somewhat of a tautology, because a distribution suggests a
population to distribute, but income distribution is not very
meaningful in a family clan. It is hard to be very rich when you are
all tilling the land and are all facing risk of starvation. But even
more than that, a wide income distribution requires a stable society,
which means laws to maintain property rights, a government that is
not confiscatory in taxation, and a military that protects the
society from attack. It is impossible to discuss the economics
without considering the social contract. That is why it is called
political economy.
There are many social contracts that are possible. Although we have been focused on the trade off between income inequality and stability, Rawls considers social systems without using the degree of stability as a policy lever, so to speak. A society might decide to have system that is both stable and egalitarian, such as what we see in Scandinavia. The discussion is not one of capitalism versus socialism. We can take unfettered, eat-what-you-kill capitalism as a starting point. The knob that is being turned is the level of social stability. From their perch in my version of the veil of ignorance those who are wealthy in the initial state will choose to construct a society that has less inequality so that the knob can be turned to the “do not disturb” setting.
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